The post-election challenges for Indonesia’s feminist movement
Dyah Ayu Kartika
When the votes were counted in Indonesia’s 2019 elections, women activists had one thing to welcome: the number of women in national parliament had increased to 20.4%, up from 17.3% in 2014. Many feminists welcomed this progress, hoping that the greater presence of women would contribute to more gender-sensitive policy.
Not all of the recently-elected representatives, however, have a clear gender perspective, and some even declare themselves anti-feminist. The highly patriarchal nature of political parties, and the shift towards a more conservative Indonesian society, also present obstacles that women legislators must face when advocating for progressive gender policies. The number of women who gained parliamentary seats in the 2019 election is therefore a simplistic measure of how women actually performed. The real discussion should focus on what these women legislators could do in the next period to pass better policies for women.
In my previous article, I argued that the rise of religious conservatism has notably affected the dynamics of how women are engaging in politics. The battle between feminists and conservatives over the framing of narratives in Indonesia is not a new phenomenon, but in today’s political climate the conservatives have the advantage. Conservative groups are now consolidating their organisations to take aim at policies that regulate aspects of “morality”, and are also pushing a conservative agenda outside of parliament. Conservative organisations are producing analytical reinterpretations of gender and feminism that undermine the original theories proposed by feminists, and aiming these messages at women and young girls who have limited understanding of these concepts.
We need to look beyond the lawmakers pushing for women’s rights agendas, and focus on how Indonesia’s feminists and women’s rights activists can counter the narrative presented by conservative groups. I met activists from various backgrounds to hear their reflections on the movement to date. These conversations led me to the conclusion that Indonesia’s present-day feminist movement is fragile: while individuals and groups joining the movement are increasing in number, they are fractured and struggle to engage with the grassroots. This presents a challenge to making the movement more sustainable and impactful. Feminists and women’s rights movements need to address these shortcomings to curb the conservative narrative.
A ’new hope’?
We are going to see more diverse faces in legislative bodies in the next governmental period. Some are women with commitments to protecting women and children’s rights. One such legislator is Netty Prasetyani from the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, or PKS). The wife of former West Java governor Ahmad Heryawan (Aher), Netty took a leading role on women’s and children’s issues during Aher’s administration and oversaw the provincial P2TP2A (Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Anak), an integrated support service for women and children victims of violence.
In my interview with Netty, she showed a commitment to the elimination of underage marriage and support for the proposed Elimination of Sexual Violence Bill, (known in Indonesia as RUU P-KS, not to be confused with PKS the party), as the current criminal code law does not cover the protection and rehabilitation of victims. Netty’s position is peculiar given her membership of PKS, and the party’s official opposition to the bill. Nonetheless, she acknowledges this contrast and encourages dialogue between opponents in her party and supporters of the bill. It might not be easy, but she believes bridging differences will open up conservative perspectives on sexual violence cases.
Furthermore, there are opportunities for women representatives to secure more strategic positions in the next parliamentary period. Puan Maharani is the daughter of former President Megawati Soekarnoputri and the Coordinating Minister for Human Resources and Culture during President Joko Widodo’s first administration, and is said to be a candidate for the next speaker of the national parliament (DPR-RI). If successful, Puan would be the first woman to take on the position. Masruchah, Commissioner of National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) is optimistic that Puan’s appointment would benefit the cause, stating, “She is a woman; she shares similar experiences [with women]. She has learned about women and children issues during her administration as the Coordinating Minister of Human Resources and Culture. She urged DPR-RI to make progress in discussions of the Elimination of Sexual Violence Bill.”
Meanwhile, an emerging contender, The Indonesia Solidarity Party (Partai Solidaritas Indonesia, or PSI), has been considered the new hope for better policies for women. Having garnered substantial votes in major cities across Indonesia, including Jakarta and Bandung, PSI is now ready to compete in local parliaments. However Dhyta Caturani, a veteran Indonesian feminist and the head of Purple Code, a feminist organisation working on cyber security issues, cautioned against expecting too much:
“PSI needs to be tested. I know people in PSI, and some of them are activists. There are progressive individuals there. But, in politics, you cannot only be kind. The system is so strong, so it’s important that you have the capacity and capability to play the game. Experience is critical.”
INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY IN JAKARTA, MARCH 2019 (PHOTO: AUTHOR)
Key policy issues in Jokowi’s second term
The new legislators will have a lot of work to do if they plan on collaborating with feminists and women’s rights activists in the next five years. A number of key policies might well become the battleground between feminists and anti-feminists on moral issues ranging from sexual violence to enforcing dress codes and curfews on women.
The first policy issue concerns the revision of the 1974 Marriage Law to increase the minimum age of brides from 16 to 18. The law also contains problematic clauses that perpetuate the unequal position of men and women within households, and permits polygamy. Women’s activists have two options: to push for the revision of other clauses, or, more critically, assist in the preparation of a government regulation (Peraturan Perundang-undangan, or Perppu) that will regulate the age limitation in lieu of a change in legislation.
The second policy issue is the hotly-debated Elimination of Sexual Violence Bill. While the bill aims to enshrine the prevention and prosecution of sexual violence, and rehabilitation for victims, some religious conservative groups oppose the bill on the grounds that it is Western-influenced and disruptive to family values.
Despite the controversy, there is little parliamentary interest in finalising the bill anytime soon. PKS rejects the bill and argues that Indonesia needs to adopt preventative measures—instead of taking curative action—in cases of sexual violence, and has endorsed the Family Resilience Bill (RUU Ketahanan Keluarga) as the solution. Within Indonesia’s highly patriarchal society, though, the concept of “family resilience” is often misunderstood as placing the onus of moral responsibility on women, and conservatives consider the Family Resilience Bill an acceptable alternative to the Elimination of Sexual Violence Bill. The Regional Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, or DPD-RI) first proposed a draft of the Family Resilience Bill to the national parliament in 2017, and PKS will likely push the discussion of the law in the next period. When responding to the proposal, feminists need to be critical to avoid misconceptions and possible contradictions with their agenda.
The third policy involves the implementation of discriminatory local bylaws. In 2017 the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) noted around 421 discriminatory policies across Indonesia, and the number continues to increase. Politicians are likely to publish populist regulations, and with the rise of conservatism in society, there will be more such discriminatory policies which undermine women’s bodily autonomy: through curfews, or regulations on how women should dress. Recently, in the city of Depok, a proposed law to control how people dressed based on religious norms was shot down by the city council.
Reflecting on those challenges, Indonesian feminists need to solidify their actions and develop concrete steps to create the social conditions that will support progressive legislative change. Feminists therefore need to gear up to challenge the growing conservative influence; but what are the modalities that they have to work with?
Feminism and its discontents
Indonesia’s feminists have historically adopted multiple approaches—liberal, radical, and intersectional—to address struggles that span land rights, voting rights, worker protection, protection from sexual violence, and more. However, the rapid growth of digital feminist activism, influenced by the global feminist movement, has created a perception amongst conservatives of a singular feminist movement in Indonesia. Conservative groups are now making sweeping assumptions that feminism is only advocating for “liberal” values, such as bodily autonomy and LGBT rights, as opposed to a broader and more intersectional approach that includes the interpretation of feminist theory from an Islamic worldview.
The recent growth of Indonesia’s feminist movement is largely due to the success of online activism in mainstreaming gender and feminist narratives, and is a promising sign of progress in achieving gender equality in Indonesia. Many digital feminists are young, well-educated, and connected to the global movement. They are savvy in the use of social media as primarily a tool to educate, engage, and mobilise their followers. The worldwide Women’s March campaign and the #MeToo movement have also spurred young Indonesian feminists to build an alliance and attract more people to join the cause. At least 4,000 people joined this year’s Women’s March in Jakarta, doubling last year’s attendance, and activists used the event to urge DPR RI to pass the Elimination of Sexual Violence Bill. As veteran feminist Dhyta Caturani asserts:
“This is the biggest feminist movement in Indonesia unlike anything I’ve seen in my 25 years of activism. There are many self-proclaimed feminists, individuals, and groups. When I started One Billion Rising [part of a global campaign to combat sexual violence against women and girls] in 2013, many were not even comfortable with the term ‘feminism,’ and now it has changed.”
Online initiatives have emerged in response to growing demand for feminist information in Indonesia. Established in 2013, Magdalene is a feminist online magazine that provides a platform for young Indonesian feminists to share their personal experiences and commentary on how the socio-political environment has impacted their lives. The website publishes short articles and interviews and recently branched out to podcasts, and generates an average 150,000 page views each month. Other smaller-scale, online-based initiatives have emerged to introduce feminist concepts to young Indonesians, such as Jakarta Feminist Discussion Group, Indonesia Feminis, Konde.co, and more.
At the same time, the Muslim feminist movement has continued to evolve, and provides an important space for organizations to expand their grassroots network when striving for gender justice in Islam. In 2017, three Muslim organisations named Alimat, Rahimah, and Fahmina (ARAFAH) initiated the Indonesia’s Women Ulemas Congress (Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, or KUPI) in Cirebon, West Java, bringing together approximately 2,000 ulamas(Islamic clerics) and academics from across Indonesia. The gathering is vital proof that gender equality has always been part of Islamic teaching, countering the hard-liners’ assumptions about the position of women in the Islamic hierarchy. The congress resulted in the condemnation of three major problems: sexual violence, child marriage, and environmental degradation. The women ulemas continue to spread this message in their study circles and public policy advocacy, including the Elimination of Sexual Violence Bill.
Younger pupils of Islam with an interest in gender justice can turn to individuals who are known for their critical analysis, such as Kalis Mardiasih, a columnist with a pesantren (Islamic intensive schooling) background, and Laily Fitry, a PhD candidate in theology. Furthermore, community-led small initiatives are also growing, such as Forum Islam Progresif, a leftist-based organisation that facilitates discussion on feminism and Islam, and the Halaqah Muslimah Progresif, an online-based discussion about gender and Islam. Both groups target students and young people across Indonesia by using Instagram, the most popular form of social media, as their main platform to spread the message. Naila Fitria, the founder of Halaqah Muslimah Progresif, said:
“We want to counter and balance out the ‘hijrah’ narrative offered by Muslim conservatives. It is sickening. They use religion as their central argument. Therefore, we cannot use secular feminists’ argument to counter their massive campaign. We need to produce pro-women reinterpretations that stem from religious doctrine to curb their narrative.”
AN ANTI-ELIMINATION OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE BILL STICKER ON A LAMP-POST IN JAKARTA (PHOTO: AUTHOR)
New Mandala The post-election challenges for Indonesia’s feminist movement